A Confession : Faheem Aamer

In the context of spring, Faiz Ahmed Faiz’s quote “New accounts have been opened with a new reckoning” resonates as some friends have revived the National Students Federation ($ group). As left-wing individuals, we reject being labeled as fatwa-selling mullahs, excluding Mushtaq Choudhary and the Dollar group from Marxism. We confess our past actions and hope for unity with the Neo Dollars or the second faction of the National Students Federation.
In 1985, during Zia-ul-Haq’s regime, we sought democracy under the Junijo Brand, but faced opposition from authorities like Hafiz Jamal, leading to our expulsion from Khanewal Degree College.
After gaining admission to Emerson College Multan on open merit, we initially decided to stay away from student politics. However, a sticker of the NSF on our college diary led to a clash with Islami Jamiat Talaba students, prompting us to join the NSF. Aasim Ali Shah, a dedicated worker of the NSF, played a key role in organizing the Study Circle at Emerson College and expanding the organization’s presence in Multan. Under his guidance, the NSF grew rapidly, culminating in the election of Masood Sarwar Gondal as the president of Multan.
Aasim Ali Shah’s commitment to ideological unity within the organization was evident during a visit by the central president of the NSF, Safdar Rashid. The visit highlighted the importance of maintaining unity and thwarting attempts at group formation within the organization, as exemplified by the failed efforts of Salahuddin Gandapur. Today, the legacy of dedicated NSF workers like Mushtaq Choudhry and Aasim Ali Shah continues to be remembered, while those who sought to divide the organization have faded into obscurity.
During this time, we met with lawyers Qamar-ul-Zaman Butt and Mahmood Nawaz Babar from Multan. The activities of the NSF led by Aasim Ali Shah, in collaboration with these individuals, reached a significant point. One notable incident involved a confrontation with a professor, Javed Paracha, over student activitiess related to the uprising in Bangladesh. Aasim Shah and his comorades successfully protested against the professor’s actions, leading to Aasim Shah’s reinstatance. This event inspired us to realize the power of unity and adherence to correct principles in achieving success.
During Ghulam Hyder Wyne’s tenure as Chief Minister of Punjab and Syed Fakhr Imam’s term as Minister of Education, educational institution fees were raised. Aasim Ali Shah’s absence did not deter students in Multan from protesting the fee hike. Handwritten posters with the message “Challenge the oppression. Victory will be yours” were distributed across educational institutions in Multan.
Students in Multan threatened to block the entry of the Chief Minister and Minister of Education into Khanewal if the fee increase was not reversed. On November 13, students were arrested, including us. The government invited us for negotiations at the Circuit House in Khanewal, where we represented the students. After intense negotiations,
the Deputy Commissioner of Khanewal offered to roll back half of the fee increase. We refused to back down and insisted that the officials stay at the Circuit House until our demands were met. Mushtaq Choudhry and Aasim Ali Shah’s influence and guidance played a significant role in our determination and tone during the negotiations.
Despite Aasim Ali Shah’s physical absence, his words inspired and guided us. Our firm stance led to the government accepting our demands promptly. Aasim Ali Shah’s impact on the students’ movement was evident, even in his absence.
Sometimes our thoughts and ego can lead us to make decisions that we later regret. The National Students Federation (NSF) was expanding its reach under the leadership of Mushhtaq Couhdhry and Asim Ali Shah, with new units opening in various cities. However, some opportunistic individuals were opposed to the spread of Marxist theories among workers and farmers. Two lawyers, Mahmood Nawaz Babar and Qamar-ul-Zaman Butt, who were once supportive of the red revolution, later aligned themselves with the class against which NSF was fighting. In 1990,
Asim Ali Shah was recommended for the position of Central General Secretary at a council session in Karachi. However,
before the closed session, Qamar -ul-Zaman Butt and Masood Sarwar Gondal accused Asim Ali Shah of being a CIA agent without providing evidence. As a result, the session was boycotted, leading to organizational discipline violations and subsequent dismissals.
Despite these challenges, the work of NSF continued, but our influence among workers and students declined. Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba capitalized on this, spreading extremism against us. Our ideological leadership shifted to Qamar-ul-Zaman Butt, and we found ourselves marginalized within the organization.
Masood Gondal was suspected of illegal activities, prompting agencies to take notice. An IB officer named Ishfaq visited my office and questioned me about Gondal. Despite a thorough investigation, I was not arrested but asked to appear at the IB office the next day. We complied and provided evidence of our innocence, leading to the disbandment of the NSF Gondal Group in Multan. Subsequently, the NSF presence in Multan vanished, including its spread in Dera Ghazi Khan under Aasim Shah’s leadership.
I expect the organization to maintain discipline while allowing critics the opportunity to contribute to history. Just as we recognize our comrades as writers today, we should acknowledge their roles as the only team to serve them as Central Secretary Generals of NSF Pakistan. Otherwise, the self-centered actions of these individuals will only benefit themselves, leaving others to write confessional notes years later.