I am currently sitting in a cafe, sipping coffee, and here my country is burning, but I am not Nero; just an ordinary Pakistani who is deeply saddened by the destruction of his homeland. A few days ago, my friend Ali Ousat and I were sitting at the Karachi Press Club with Professor Tausif Ahmed. Spending time with Tausif Sahib was an honor for me. He holds a prominent position in the world of journalism. Hundreds of proud journalists and progressive politicians in Pakistan are his disciples. Although he belongs to a progressive tribe, like all elders, he is currently disappointed with any revolution.
When asked about the current politics of the PTI, he casually said, “We should go with Imran Khan; that’s the scientific strategy.” I was astonished. He mentioned that the era of Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was one of the toughest for the media, but when the establishment overturned him and later executed him judicially, we progressives stood with him against Zia-ul-Haq’s dictatorship and raised our voices in protest for his rights. Today, the establishment is still coercing Imran and his party, and at this time, we should support them.
Today, I read a post on Facebook by Faisal Bassaraki, a progressive activist from Balochistan. He wrote, “Imran Khan today holds the fate and destiny of our will and purpose with authority, and discussing it has left even the most educated scholars and seasoned political followers hesitant. From a bricklayer and laborer to the middle class, millions of people have connected their emotions and sentiments with him. The debate is not whether their hope is placed correctly or incorrectly; they and their workers are currently vehemently opposing the state’s severe tyranny and hatred. Blind imitation and placing things in specific categories with a narrow mindset will only strengthen the ignorant tradition that is currently helping the state and generals consolidate power.”
I have always maintained the position that Imran Khan does not believe in the power of the people at all. He has expressed this in veiled terms several times. Even after being dismissed from power, he continued to seek support from within the military, and perhaps he still does. At this moment, the leader of his party, Zartaj Gul, is seen chanting “Long live the Pakistan Army” in Dera Ghazi Khan. But the bitter truth is that the millions of conscious poor people in Pakistan strongly resent the military. This is the same class that is labeled as anti-establishment and detests the military aristocracy. Only on this basis, perhaps, the majority of Pakistan is currently with Imran Khan.
Just a few days before the 2024 elections, Imran Khan and his wife Bushra Begum have been sentenced to ten and fourteen years in two different cases. The allegations against Imran Khan are laughable—accused of revealing national secrets. Accusations of revealing national secrets in Pakistan are as strange as losing four consecutive wars to India and harboring Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad for many years, both of which unfortunately were exposed. Well, these matters do not concern Imran, so let us not discuss them further.
I have always been the staunchest opponent of Imran Khan; he was a tyrant ruler, but now he and his wife are standing against the establishment. I and the majority condemned classes in Pakistan know that for the past seventy-five years, the responsible party for all the problems in our country is the capitalistic military aristocracy of Pakistan. We should not hesitate to change our opinion on scientific foundations. I condemn the establishment for military, political, and judicial coercion against Imran and express solidarity with the working-class PTI workers and supporters. As for the rest, the election is now a complete selection; whoever wins will be called selected.
Monday, August 24
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